Januar - ANC

[Ravenghost]

Vi har nettopp begynt med november, me syns det likevel er på tide å snakke om hva vi bør gjøre i transfervinduet. I utgangspunktet, ingenting - men afrikamesterskapet lurer i kulissene, og da mister vi Eboue og Toure (kanskje Song og Traore også) i opp til 10 kamper. Eboue kan vi klare oss uten, men Toure er vår kanskje største fighter og en utrolig viktig spiller. Vet at vi kan hente Djourou tilbake, men verken han eller Senderos er gode nok erstattere. Hva bør vi gjøre?

[Eboue]

Vi må, og jeg sier MÅ hente tilbake Johan. Jeg tror han kan klare seg greit som erstatter for Kolo i den perioden, selv om vi selvsagt kommer til å savne en av våre beste spillere i Toure. Senderos holder ikke mål.

 

Gilberto, som nå sliter med spilletid, kan også brukes i midtforsvaret, og vil nok bruke den muligheten til å vise hva han er god nok. Min mening er dog at han ikke er god nok som midtstopper til å kunne spille i PL i en ganske lang periode.

 

Om vi skal hente inn ny midtstopper er også da et naturlig spørsmål. Da må han etter min mening være rutinert og relativt gammel, og ganske billig. Dette er selvsagt en oppskrift Wenger aldri ville fulgt, så dermed er min mening at vi ikke bør hente inn en midtstopper i januar. Spesielt ikke om f.eks Gallas ikke blir skada, og vi henter DJ tilbake.

 

Dog mener jeg vi trenger en spiss. Jeg har diskutert litt med min onkel, som også er Arsenalfan, og konklusjonen er at når RvP er ute (eller f.eks Ade), er vi alt for harmløse. Først og fremst fordi Theo og Dudu ennå ikke holder mål, og fordi det ikke er bra å spille med en 4-5-1 formasjon, som jeg føler hele laget er ukomfortable med å bruke.

Det rapporteres at Sjefen lurer i buskene for å signe Benzema fra Lyon. Dette er en signing som jeg så absolutt hadde sett lyst på. Han er kjapp, sterk, god på hodet, god til å avslutte. Altså det meste en spiss trenger. Samtidig som han er ung og fransk, noe som gjør han mer aktuell for Arsène. Vet ikke hva jeg hadde gjort om vi hadde henta ham.. det hadde vært en gigantsigning!

 

Ellers på banen har vi god dekning. På midten har vi Cesc, Flamstern, Gilberto, Abou, Denilson som alle egentlig er gode nok til å spille fast i Premier League. På keeperplass er det litt tynt, men foreløpig skal vi vente å se hva Lukasz kan utrette. På backplass har vi bra med backup og gode førstevalg i Bacary og Gaël. Som backup har vi Manu, Justin og Armand, i tillegg til Mathieu. På vingene har vi muligens litt dårligere med backup, men førstevalgene Alex og Mozart er jo enorme spillere. Som backup har vi Eboue (som ikke er god nok), Theo (som er for urutinert), Dudu (som ikke har funnet seg helt til rette i PL enda) og forsåvidt Diaby (som ikke er god nok på vingen. -Han er best sentralt). Det åpner for kjøp av enten Hatem Ben Arfa eller Samir Nasri, selv om jeg tror det kan være litt uaktuelt.

 

Alt i alt tror jeg Wenger kommer til å gjøre lite i januar. Det eneste vi etter min mening trenger er en klassespiss og muligens en stopper og ving. Men dette kommer ikke Arsène til å gjøre noe med, kjenner jeg han rett.

[Ravenghost]

Hvis Karim Benzema har et mellomnavn som f.eks Mbaluye eller noe slikt er nok sjansen stor for at Wenger kjøper han. Men fra spøk til alvor: Tror nok Wenger handler en franskmann i transfervinduet, men tror ikke det blir benzema...

[roger_rabbit74]

Det har jo hele tiden vært helt klart at Johan kommer tilbake til januar fra utlån.

Vi har 5 spisser i dag som alle gjør det veldig bra, og de trenger spilletid for å bli helt i toppen. Da blir det jo ikke kjøpt inn en klassespiss når vinduet åpnes.

En ny midtstopper trenger vi kanskje mest, særlig hvis det skulle bli skader i januar, og da tenker jeg skader på Gallas.

[magys]

Vi trenger 1 god midtstopper til, og en keeper som kan kjempe om keeperplassen, mot Almunia. Får ikke Lehmann stå mer på en stund, forsvinner han fort i Januar.

[Olé]

om vi hadde fått Nasri og Benzema hadde jo vert UTRULI! To av mine favorittar ( av unge spelara). Men, lite sansynlig at det skjer.

 

I alle fall så treng vi en ny Midstopper og en ving. og så syns eg faktisk at vi treng en Keeper. Almunia er jo grei han, men ikkje god nok. Lehmann er ikkje aktuell lenger syns eg. Fabianski er ung og ikkje heilt klar endå. Spiss kan jo diskuterast om vi treng eller ikkje.

 

Forslag til Midtstopper: Richards (som ifølge nettavisen gjerne ville ha spelt for Arsenal, om han hadde fått tilbud) og Mexes, eller at vi hentar tilbake Djourou. Men syns likevel at vi bør hente en midtstopper uansett om Djourou kjem eller ikkje.

 

Forslag til ving : Nasri, Pandev, Jesus Navas, van der Vaart og som noken andre her nemte Ben Arfa.

 

Forslag til en eventuelt spiss: Benzema, Pato, og so syns eg at vi bør prøve oss på Martins igjen.

 

og til slutt for å vere heilt ærlig, så syns eg at vi bør kvitte oss med Bendtner( som eg ikkje har trua på), Flamini, Song og Lehmann(viss han i det heile tatt e verdt noke no).

[Andre]

Olé, flamini?!? Faren min var på Manchester United kampen, han sa at Flamini var kanskje usynlig men han styrte midtbane og hadde kontroll over motstanden. Konge på haugen kan man si, så dermed sier jeg BEHOLD FLAMINI!

[mmaelan]

og til slutt for å vere heilt ærlig, så syns eg at vi bør kvitte oss med Bendtner( som eg ikkje har trua på), Flamini, Song og Lehmann(viss han i det heile tatt e verdt noke no).

 

Djorou er nok den eneste vi trenger. >La de unge spillerne få fortsatt tillitt

er viktig for deres utvikling.

Å selge Flamini som har dannet et fantastisk partnerskap med Super Fab????

Og poenget er????

[Stefanb]

og til slutt for å vere heilt ærlig, så syns eg at vi bør kvitte oss med Bendtner( som eg ikkje har trua på), Flamini, Song og Lehmann(viss han i det heile tatt e verdt noke no).

 

Nå har faktisk "Gattuso" vært en av de beste spillerne hittil i år, og han har vel ikke hatt en dårlig kamp hittil!

Som sagt så er Flamini kongen på haugen

[Olé]

Skulle egentli ikkje skrive flamini. eller eg skreiv Flamini, men når eg tenkte meg om så hadde eg tenkt å "viske" ut. Har nok gløymt det. ( det er faktisk heilt sant)

[egilhei]

Spørs om det er noen vits i å hente en midtstopper bare for at han skal dekke mens Toure spiller Afrikamesterskapet. Stoppere må være veldig samspilte, og derfor er ikke nye spillere optimale før lenge etter at Toure er tilbake. Djourou har erfaring fra Arsenalkamper fra før, og derfor er det bedre at Gallas spiller med en han kjenner, enn at vi henter en spiller som ikke behersker samarbeidet med Gallas. Vil også si at å hente en spiller fra en annen liga for å dekke, som f. eks. Mexes, som er nevnt ovenfor, er idioti, fordi han i tillegg til å være ukjent for laget, vil trenge tid på å tilpasse seg PL-stilen.

Skulle man ha hentet en erstatter for Toure, måtte det ha skjedd i sommer!

[ben lakris]

Hva betyr de tre bokstavene ANC?

[Torstein182]

Hva betyr de tre bokstavene ANC?

African Nations Cup

[ben lakris]

Hva betyr de tre bokstavene ANC?

African Nations Cup

Selvfølgelig.Tusen takk.

[Tusmo]

Hva betyr de tre bokstavene ANC?

African Nations Cup

 

Det betyr også African National Congress

 

Fra wikipedia:

The African National Congress (ANC) has been South Africa's governing party, supported by its tripartite alliance with the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), since the establishment of majority rule in May 1994. It defines itself as a "disciplined force of the left".[1] Members founded the organization as the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) on January 8, 1912 in Bloemfontein to increase the rights of the black South African population. John Dube, its first president, and poet and author Sol Plaatje are among its founding members. The organization became the ANC in 1923 and formed a military wing, the Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) in 1961.

 

It has been the ruling party in South Africa on the national level since 1994. It gained support in the 1999 elections, and further increased its majority in 2004.

 

Contents

1 Origins

2 Opposition to Apartheid

2.1 Protest and banning

2.2 Violent political resistance

3 Coming to power

3.1 Party list

4 Key personalities within the ANC

4.1 Presidents of the ANC

4.2 Deputy Presidents of the ANC

4.3 Secretaries-General of the ANC

5 Criticism

5.1 Violence

5.2 Favouritism

5.3 Controversy over corrupt members

6 References

7 See also

8 External links

 

 

 

Origins

Formed initially on January 8, 1912 by John Dube, Pixley ka Isaka Seme and Sol Plaatje along with chiefs, people's representatives, and church organizations, and other prominent individuals to bring all Africans together as one people to defend their rights and freedoms, the ANC from its inception represented both traditional and modern elements, from tribal chiefs to church and community bodies and educated black professionals, though women were only admitted as affiliate members from 1931 and as full members in 1943.

 

The formation of the ANC Youth League in 1944 by Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, and Oliver Tambo heralded a new generation committed to building non-violent mass action against the legal underpinnings of the white minority's supremacy. In 1947 the ANC allied with the Natal Indian Congress and Transvaal Indian Congress, broadening the basis of its opposition to the government.

 

 

Opposition to Apartheid

The return of an Afrikaner-led National Party government by the overwhelmingly white electorate in 1948 signaled the advent of the policy of apartheid. During the 1950s, non-whites were removed from electoral rolls, residence and mobility laws were tightened and political activities restricted.

 

In June 1952, the ANC joined with other anti-apartheid organizations in a Defiance Campaign against the restriction of political, labour and residential rights, during which protesters deliberately violated oppressive laws, following the example of Mahatma Gandhi's passive resistance in KwaZulu-Natal and in India. The campaign was called off in April 1953 after new laws prohibiting protest meetings were passed.

 

In June 1955 the Congress of the People, organised by the ANC and Indian, Coloured and White organizations at Kliptown near Johannesburg, adopted the Freedom Charter, henceforth the fundamental document of the anti-apartheid struggle with its demand for equal rights for all regardless of race. As opposition to the regime's policies continued, 156 leading members of the ANC and allied organisations were arrested in 1956; the resulting "Treason Trial" ended with their acquittal five years later.

 

The ANC first called for an academic boycott of South Africa in protest of its apartheid policies in 1958 in Ghana. The call was repeated the following year in London.[1]

 

In 1959 a number of members broke away from the ANC because they objected to the ANC's reorientation from African nationalist policies. They formed the rival Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), led by Robert Sobukwe.

 

 

Protest and banning

The ANC planned a campaign against the Pass Laws, which required blacks to carry an identity card at all times to justify their presence in White areas, to begin on 31 March 1960. The PAC pre-empted the ANC by holding unarmed protests 10 days earlier, during which 69 protesters were killed and 180 injured by police fire in what became known as the Sharpeville massacre.

 

In the aftermath of the tragedy, both organisations were banned from political activity. International opposition to the regime increased throughout the 1950s and 1960s, fueled by the growing number of newly independent nations, the Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and the civil rights movement in the United States. In 1960, the leader of the ANC, Albert Lutuli, won the Nobel Peace Prize, a feat that would be repeated in 1993 by the next leader of the ANC, Nelson Mandela, and F.W. de Klerk jointly, for their actions in helping to negotiate peaceful transition after Mandela's release from prison, which was a great step towards better rights for blacks.

 

 

Violent political resistance

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Underground or in exile, the ANC leadership concluded that the methods of non-violence such as those utilised by Gandhi against the British Empire during their colonisation of India, were not suitable against the apartheid system.[citation needed] It was decided that violent tactics had to be used, which primarily involved targeting and sabotaging the government's resources, with an initial wish to minimise the bloodshed of civilians.

 

Unfortunately, a degree of collateral damage occurred to civilians when the ANC eventually made the decision to target Apartheid regime leadership, command and control, secret police, and military-industrial complex assets and personnel in decapitation strikes, targeted killings, and guerilla actions such as bomb explosions in facilities frequented by those Apartheid regime elements. Examples of these include the Amanzimtoti bombing[2], the Sterland bomb in Pretoria[3], the Wimpy bomb in Pretoria[4], the Juicy Lucy bomb in Pretoria[3] and the Magoo's bar bombing in Durban.[5] ANC acts of sabotage aimed at government institutions included the bombing of the Johannesburg Magistrates Court, the attack on the Koeberg nuclear power station and the rocket attack on Voortrekkerhoogte in Pretoria. The Church Street bomb in Pretoria was an attack on the South African Air Force, but in reality the bomb was placed in front of civilian buildings during rush hour and most of those injured and killed were civilians. Other actions included the execution of collaborators, often by necklacing, [6] [7] who spied for the Apartheid regime or otherwise aided and abetted crimes against humanity. (Compare to French executions of Nazi collaborators following the Liberation of France).

 

The ANC was classified as a terrorist [8] organisation by the South African government and by most Western countries including the United States of America and the United Kingdom.

 

A military wing was formed in 1961, called Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), meaning "Spear of the Nation". However, Mandela, as its first leader, was arrested in 1962, convicted of sabotage in 1964 and sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island, along with Sisulu and other ANC leaders after the Rivonia Trial.

 

During the 1970s and 1980s the ANC, under the leadership of the exiled Oliver Tambo, engaged in a variety of militant attacks within South Africa, usually from bases in Botswana, Mozambique or Swaziland. One such attack was the 1983 Church Street bombing which killed 16 and wounded 130. Murder was occasionally used for political purposes. Tactics included car bombings as well as targeted assassinations. It has been alleged that people were tortured and detained without trial in ANC prison camps.[9][10] During this same period, the South African military routinely engaged in a number of raids and bombings on ANC bases. Dulcie September, a member of the ANC who was investigating the arms trade between France and South Africa was assassinated in Paris in 1988.

 

As the years progressed, the ANC's attacks, coupled with international pressure and internal dissent, increased in South Africa. The ANC received most of its financial and tactical support from the USSR, which orchestrated military involvement with surrogate Cuban forces through Angola.

 

In 1985 a group of businessmen led by Dr. Theuns Eloff met with the ANC in Lusaka and again in Dakar in 1987 but they returned empty-handed with the ANC immovable in their demand that there be a total capitulation of the government.

 

However, the fall of the USSR after 1989 brought an end to its funding of the ANC and also changed the attitude of some Western governments that had previously supported the apartheid regime as an ally against communism. The South African government found itself under increasing external pressure, and this, together with a more conciliatory tone from the ANC, resulted in peace talks in the early 1990s, which ultimately resulted in a negotiated constitution, which has since been upheld by the courts.

 

After the ANC showed a willingness to work with the white government on a constitutional settlement rather than total, unconditional capitulation, State President F.W. de Klerk unbanned the ANC and PAC on 2 February 1990, and announced a referendum in March 1992 to end apartheid, which white voters approved, well before the constitution was finalized. President De Klerk served as President Mandela's deputy during a power-sharing period after the ANC won 62% of the vote in the first democratic elections in 1994.

 

 

Coming to power

Apartheid in South Africa

 

Events and Projects

Sharpeville Massacre · Soweto uprising

Treason Trial

Rivonia Trial · Church Street bombing

CODESA · St James Church massacre

 

 

Organisations

ANC · IFP · AWB · Black Sash · CCB

Conservative Party · PP · RP

PFP · HNP · MK · PAC · SACP · UDF

Broederbond · National Party · COSATU

 

People

P.W Botha · Oupa Gqozo · DF Malan

Nelson Mandela · Desmond Tutu · F.W. de Klerk

Walter Sisulu · Helen Suzman · Harry Schwarz

Andries Treurnicht · HF Verwoerd · Oliver Tambo

BJ Vorster · Kaiser Matanzima · Jimmy Kruger

Steve Biko · Mahatma Gandhi · Trevor Huddleston

 

Places

Bantustan · District Six · Robben Island

Sophiatown · South-West Africa

Soweto · Vlakplaas

 

Other aspects

Apartheid laws · Freedom Charter

Sullivan Principles · Kairos Document

Disinvestment campaign

South African Police

 

This box: view • talk • edit

 

African National Congress constituency office in Sea Point, Cape Town, for Annelize van Wyk MP.In April 1994, in a tripartite alliance with the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the ANC won a landslide victory in the 1994 general election, and Nelson Mandela was elected the first black President of South Africa.

 

In Kwa-Zulu Natal, the ANC maintained an uneasy coalition with the Inkatha Freedom Party after neither party won a majority in the 1994 and 1999 provincial elections.

 

In 2004 the party contested national elections in voluntary coalition with the New National Party (NNP), which it effectively absorbed following the NNP's dissolution in 2005.

 

After the 1994 and 1999 elections it ruled seven of the nine provinces, with Kwa-Zulu Natal under the IFP and the Western Cape Province under the NNP. As of 2004, it gained both the Western Cape and Kwa-Zulu Natal after a combination of the NNP's electoral base being eroded by the DA and a poor showing by the IFP.

 

By 2001 the tripartite alliance between the ANC, COSATU and SACP began showing signs of strain as the ANC moved to more liberal economic policies than its alliance partners were comfortable with. The focus for dissent was the GEAR program, an initialism for "Growth, Employment and Redistribution."

 

In late 2004 this was again thrown into sharp relief by Zwelinzima Vavi of COSATU protesting the ANC's policy of "quiet diplomacy" towards the worsening conditions in Zimbabwe, as well as Black Economic Empowerment, which he complained benefits a favoured few in the black elite and not the masses.

 

As of 2005 the alliance was facing a crisis as Jacob Zuma, who was fired from his position as Deputy President of South Africa by Thabo Mbeki, faced corruption charges. Complicating the situation was the fact that Zuma remained Deputy President of the ANC, and maintained a strong following amongst many ANC supporters, and the ANC's alliance partners[11]. In October 2005, top officials in the National Intelligence Agency, who were Zuma supporters, were suspended for illegally spying on an Mbeki supporter, Saki Macozoma, amid allegations that ANC supporters were using their positions within organs of state to spy on, and discredit each other [12]. In December 2005, Zuma was charged with rape [13] and his position as Deputy President of the ANC was suspended but has since been reinstated. [14]

 

The ANC also faced (sometimes violent) protests in townships over perceived poor service delivery, as well as internal disputes, as local government elections approached in 2006.[15][16]

 

 

Party list

Politicians in the party win a place in parliament by being on the Party List, which is drawn up before the elections and enumerates, in order, the party's preferred MPs. The number of seats allocated is proportional to the popular national vote, and this determines the cut-off point.

 

The ANC has also gained members through the controversial floor crossing process.

 

 

Key personalities within the ANC

Before 1948: John Dube, Sol Plaatje, Pixley ka Isaka Seme, Alfred Bitini Xuma

1948 to 1994: Chris Hani, Ahmed Kathrada, Albert Lutuli, Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Thabo Mbeki, Raymond Mhlaba, Thomas Nkobi, Cyril Ramaphosa, Walter Sisulu, Joe Slovo, Tatamkulu Afrika, Robert Sobukwe, Oliver Tambo, Dulcie September

After 1994: Nelson Mandela, Sydney Mufamadi, Thabo Mbeki, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, Tokyo Sexwale, Jacob Zuma

 

Presidents of the ANC

1912 - 1917 John Langalibalele Dube (1871 - 1946)

1917 - 1924 Sefako Mapogo Makgatho (1861 - 1951)

1924 - 1927 Zacharias Richard Mahabane (1881 - 1970)

1927 - 1930 Josiah Tshangana Gumede (1870 - 1947)

1930 - 1936 Pixley ka Isaka Seme (1882 - 1951)

1937 - 1940 Zacharias Richard Mahabane (2x)

1940 - 1949 Alfred Bitini Xuma (1890 - 1962)

1950 - 1958 Albert Lutuli (1898 - 1967)

1985 - 1991 Oliver Tambo (1917 - 1993)

1991 - 1997 Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela

1997 - to date Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki

 

Deputy Presidents of the ANC

1952 - 1958 Nelson Mandela

1958 - 1985 Oliver Tambo

1985 - 1991 Nelson Mandela

1991 - 1994 Walter Sisulu

1994 - 1997 Thabo Mbeki

1997 - to date Jacob Zuma

 

Secretaries-General of the ANC

(1912 - 1915) Sol Plaatje

(1915 - 1917) Selope Thema

(1917 - 1919) H. L. Bud M'belle

(1919 - 1923) Saul Msane

(1923 - 1927) T. D. Mweli-Skota

(1927 - 1930) E. J. Khaile

(1930 - 1936) Elijah Mdolomba

(1936 - 1949) James Arthur Calata

(1949 - 1955) Walter Sisulu

(1955 - 1958) Oliver Tambo

(1958 - 1969) Duma Nokwe

(1969 - 1991) Alfred Nzo

(1991 - 1997) Cyril Ramaphosa

(1997 - to date) Kgalema Motlanthe

 

Criticism

 

Violence

During its days in exile, the ANC was often criticised by western governments who shared the South African government's characterization of the group as a terrorist organization. Several high-profile anti-Apartheid activists such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu criticized the ANC for its willingness to resort to violence, arguing that tactics of non-violent resistance, such as civil disobedience were more productive. The ANC's willingness to ally with Communists was also the subject of both foreign and domestic criticism. A Pentagon report of the late 1980s described the ANC as "a major terrorist organization". Several hardline black nationalists were also critical of the ANC's willingness to embrace whites as equals, even allowing them to serve on the group's executive committee.

 

 

Favouritism

Archbishop Desmond Tutu criticized the Party List system in a speech given in 2004 as discouraging debate and encouraging patronage within the ANC. He also singled out business deals that favour the "recycled few" in Black Economic Empowerment deals instead of the poor majority.

 

 

Controversy over corrupt members

Another accusation frequently levelled against the ANC is that they protect their high-ranking members in the face of controversy, and as such are seen as supporting criminal behaviour. Recent issues of this nature include the Schabir Shaik fraud trial linked to former Deputy President Jacob Zuma, the sexual misconduct and criminal charges of Beaufort West municipal manager Truman Prince,[17] and the Oilgate scandal, in which millions of Rand in funds from a state-owned company were allegedly funneled into ANC coffers.[18] Links between factions in the ANC, specifically the ANC Youth League leadership, and businessman Brett Kebble gained media attention following Kebble's murder in September 2005.

[Simbad]

Med tanke på hvordan Song har stått fram i midtforsvaret de to siste kampene, og at Wenger hele veien har støttet ham, kan det godt hende det er han som tar plassen til Kolo når han drar for å spille i Afrikamesterskapet.

 

Ellers vil nok ikke Eboue være et like stort tap for laget, siden han virker å slite med å finne seg til rette på høyrekanten. Han gjorde en OK 2. omgang mot manchester united, men har slått fryktelig mange feilpasninger og gjør veldig mange feil valg...